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German White Book - Documents

Concerning the Last Phase of the German-Polish Crisis

Document 17 (of 26)

17.  Speech delivered by the Fuhrer before the Reichstag on September 1, 1939. [Poland fired the first shots knowing that France and England would jump to their defense.]

(Translation)

Members of the German Reichstag:

     For months we have been tormented by a problem once set us by the dictated Treaty of Versailles and which has now assumed such a character as to become utterly intolerable.

Danzig was and is a German city!

The Corridor was and is German!

     All these districts owe their cultural development exclusively to the German people, without whom absolute barbarism would prevail in these eastern tracts of country.

     Danzig was separated from us! The Corridor was annexed by Poland! The German minorities living there were ill-treated in the most appalling manner! More than a million persons with German blood in their veins were compelled to leave their homes as early as 1919-1920.

     Here, as always, I have attempted to change this intolerable condition of things by means of peaceful proposals for a revision. It is a lie when the world alleges that we always used pressure in attempting to carry out any revision.

     There was ample opportunity for fifteen years before National Socialism assumed power to carry through revisions by means of a peaceful understanding. This was not done!

     I myself then took the initiative in every single case, not only once, but many times, to bring forward proposals for the revision of absolutely intolerable conditions.

     As you know, all these proposals have been rejected. I need not enumerate them in detail: those proposals for a limitation of armaments, if necessary even for the abolition of armaments, those for restrictions on methods of warfare, those for eliminating methods of modern warfare, which, in my opinion, are scarcely compatible with International Law.

     You know the proposals which I made as to the necessity of restoring German sovereign rights in certain territories of the Reich, those countless attempts I made to bring about a peaceful solution of the Austrian problem, and later on that of the Sudetenland, Bohemia and Moravia. It was all in vain!

     One thing, however, is impossible: to demand that a peaceful revision should be made of an intolerable state of affairs -- and then obstinately refuse such a peaceful revision.

     And it is just as impossible to assert that in such a situation to act on one's own initiative in making a revision is to violate a law. For us Germans the dictated Treaty of Versailles is not a law!

     It won't do to blackmail a person at the point of a pistol with the treat of starvation for millions of people into signing a document and afterwards proclaim that this document with its forced signature was a solemn law!

     In the case of Danzig and the Corridor, I have again tried to solve the problems by means of peaceful proposals suggesting a discussion. One thing was obvious: they had to be solved!

     That the date of this solution may perhaps be of little interest to the Western Powers is conceivable. But this date is not a matter of indifference to us. First and foremost, however, it was not and could not be a matter of indifference to the suffering victims.

     In conversation with Polish statesmen, I have discussed the ideas which you have heard me express here in my last speech to the Reichstag. No one can maintain that this was an unjust procedure or even unreasonable pressure.

     I then had the German proposals clearly formulated and I feel bound to repeat once more that nothing could be fairer or more modest than those proposals submitted by me.

     And I now wish to declare to the whole world that I, and I alone, was in a position to make such proposals. for I know quite definitely that I was thereby acting contrary to the opinion of millions of Germans. Those proposals were rejected!

     But more that that! They were replied to by mobilization, increased terrorism, intensified pressure on the German minorities in those areas and by a gradual economic and political strangulation of the Free City of Danzig which, during the past few weeks, found its expression in military measures and traffic restrictions.

     Poland virtually began a war against the Free City of Danzig. Furthermore, she was not prepared to settle the problem of the Corridor in a fair manner satisfying the interests of both parties.

    And lastly, Poland has never thought of fulfilling her obligations with regard to the minorities.

     In this connection I feel it necessary to state that Germany has fulfilled her obligations in this respect! Minorities domiciled in Germany are not subject to persecution. Let any Frenchman get up and declare that French citizens living in the Saar territory are oppressed, ill-treated or deprived of their rights! No one can make such an assertion!

     For four months I have watched these developments without taking action but not without issuing repeated warnings. Recently I have made these warnings more and more emphatic. Over three weeks ago the Polish Ambassador was, at my request, informed that: if Poland persisted in sending further notes in the nature of an ultimatum to Danzig and in further oppressing the German minorities, or if attempts were made to bring about the economic ruin of Danzig by means of customs restrictions, Germany would no longer stand aside and remain inactive.

   I have left no room for doubt that in this respect the Germany of today is not to be confused with post-war Germany.

     Attempts have been made to justify the action against the German minorities by declaring that they had given provocation. I am at a loss to know what "provocation" those women and children are supposed to have given who have been ell-treated and deported or what was the nature of the provocation given by all those who were tortured in the most inhuman and sadistic way before they were finally put to death.

     One thing I know however: there is not one single Great Power possessed of a feeling of honor, which would countenance such conditions for any length of time! In spite of all I have made one last attempt.

     Although possessed of the innermost conviction that the Polish Government -- perhaps also owing to their dependence on a now unchained wild soldiery -- are not in earnest as regards a real understanding. I have nevertheless accepted a proposal of mediation submitted by the British government. The latter proposed not to carry on any negotiations themselves, they assured me however of their establishing a direct connection between Poland and Germany for the purpose of thus facilitating once more direct discussions.

     I must here state the following: I have accepted that proposal. for these discussions I had drawn up the fundamentals which are known to you. And then I an my Government have sat expectantly for two whole days in order to find out whether the Polish Government saw fit finally to dispatch an authorized representative or not!

     Up to last night the Polish Government did not dispatch an authorized representative, but informed us by their ambassador that at present they were considering the question whether and to what extent they might be able to accept the English proposals; of the result they would inform England.

     Gentlemen, if such an impertinence could be offered to the German Reich and its ruler, and if the German Reich and its ruler were to tolerate such treatment, the German Nation would not deserve a better fate than to vanish from the political arena.

     My love of peace and my endless patience should not be confounded with weakness or even cowardice! Last night I informed the British government that under these conditions I found it impossible to detect any inclination on the part of the Polish government to enter into a really earnest discussion with us.

     Thus these proposals of mediation were frustrated, because in the meantime the answer to these offers of mediation had been, first, the order for Polish general mobilization, and second, additional serious outrages. Repetitions of the latter incidents occurred last night. while only recently during one single night twenty-one frontier incidents occurred, last night there were fourteen, three of them of a most serious character.

     For that reason, I now have decided to address Poland in exactly the same language applied by Poland to us in recent months.

     Now if there are statesmen in the West who declare that their interests are involved, I can only regret such a statement, their opinion, however, cannot for one single minute persuade me to deviate from the execution of my duties. I have solemnly declared and repeat once more that we have no claims at all on these Western States, and shall never demand anything from them. I have declared that the frontier between Germany and France is final. I have repeatedly offered England our friendship, and if necessary closest cooperation.

     Love, however, is not a one-sided affair, but must be responded to by the other side. Germany has no interests in the West, our fortifications in the West (Westvail) are for all times to come the frontier of the Reich. We have no other aims in the future, and this attitude of the Reich will remain unchanged.

     Some of the other European States understand our attitude. First of all I would thank Italy for having supported us all this time. You will also understand that in connection with this struggle we do not want to make an appeal for any foreign help. This task of ours we shall solve ourselves.

     The neutral states have assured us of their neutrality exactly as we previously have guaranteed their neutrality. This assurance we consider a sacred obligation, and as long as nobody infringes upon their neutrality, we too shall painstakingly abide by it. Because, what could we expect or desire from them?

     I feel very much gratified at being able to hereby inform you of an event of special importance. You are aware that Russia and Germany are governed by two different doctrines There was only one single question to be cleared: Germany has no intention of exporting her doctrine, and as long as soviet Russia does not intend exporting her own doctrine to Germany, I do not see any longer any reason for our being opponents again.

     Both of us are agreed on that point. Any struggle between us would only result in the benefit of others. We have therefore resolved to enter into an agreement which will exclude any application of force between us in the future, which obligates us to consult with each other in certain European questions and facilitates economic collaboration, and above all warrants that the energies of these two great states are not mutually consumed.

     Any attempt on the part of the Western States, aiming at a change of the existing facts will prove futile, and in that connection I would like to state one thing: this political decision signifies an enormous change regarding the future, and is absolutely final!

     I believe that the whole German people will approve of this political attitude! In the World War, Russia and Germany fought against each other and were the ultimate sufferers. That shall and will never happen again! Yesterday, the Non-Aggression and consultation Pact, which came into force the day it was signed, was ratified in Moscow and in Berlin. In Moscow the Pact was acclaimed with the same satisfaction as in Berlin.

     I approve of every word in the speech made by M. Molotov, the Russian Commissar for Foreign Affairs.

     Our aims: I am determined to solve: firstly, the Danzig question, secondly, the corridor question, thirdly, to see to it that a change takes place in Germany's relations to Poland, which will ensure a peaceful co-existence of the two States.

     I am determined to fight until either the present Polish government is disposed to effect this change or until another Polish Government is prepared to do so.

     I will eliminate from the German frontiers that element of insecurity, that atmosphere which permanently resembles that of civil war.

     I will see to it that on the eastern frontier the same peaceful conditions prevail as on the other frontiers. I will at the same time act in such a way as not to contradict what I announced to you, Gentlemen, in the Reichstag as my proposals to the world. That is, I will not wage war against women and children! I have instructed my air force to limit their attacks to military objects. but should the enemy think this leaves him free to fight in the opposite way, then he will get an answer which will drive him out of his senses!

     In the night Polish soldiers of the regular Army fired the first shots in our own territory. Since 5:45 a. m. we have been returning their fire. And from now onwards a bomb will be answered by a bomb!

     who fights with poison will be fought with poison. Who disregards the rules of human warfare can only expect us to take the same steps.

     I will carry on this fight, no matter against whom, until the safety of the Reich and its rights are secured!

     For more than six years now I have been at work in building up the German armed forces. during this period more than ninety billions have been expended in creating our armed forces. Today, they are the best equipped in the world and are far superior to those of 1914!

     My confidence in them can never be shaken!

     When I called up these forces, and when I now expect the German people to make sacrifices, if necessary every sacrifice, I have the right to do so; for I myself am just as ready today as I was in the past to make every personal sacrifice.

     There is nothing I demand of any German which I myself was not prepared to do at any moment for four long years.

     There shall not be any deprivations for Germans in which I myself shall not immediately share!

     From this moment my whole life shall belong more than ever to my people. I now want to be nothing but the first soldier of the German Reich.

     Therefore, I have once again put on that uniform which was always so sacred and dear to me. I shall not take it off until after the victory -- or I shall not live to see the end.

     Should anything happen to me in this fight, my first successor shall be Party Member Goering. Should anything happen to Party Member Goering, his successor shall be Party Member Hess. To these men as your leaders you would then owe the same absolute loyalty and obedience as you owe me!

     In the event that something fatal should happen to Party Member Hess, I now have made legal provisions for the convocation of the Senate, which shall then elect the worthiest, that is to say the most valiant among them.

     As a National socialist and a German soldier I enter into this fight with a strong heart! My whole life was but one continued struggle for my people, for its rebirth, and for Germany, and above all that struggle there stood one single conviction: The Faith in that People!

     One word I have never known: Capitulation.

     If, however, there should be anyone thinking that we are at the brink of hard times, I urge him to consider the fact that at one time a Prussian King ruling over a ridiculously small state confronted one of the greatest coalitions, yet ultimately defeated it in three campaigns, simply because he was possessed of that certain undaunted spirit and believing heart also required of us in these times.

     The contemporaneous world I would assure however that in the future course of German history a November 1918 will never occur again.

     In the same measure in which I myself am prepared to sacrifice my life for my people and for Germany, I demand the same of every other person.

     But whosoever believes that he can resist this national decree, be it directly or indirectly, will find himself vastly mistaken.

     We will not tolerate traitors.

     We thus act in accordance with our old principle, namely, that it is of no importance whether we go on living, but it is vital that our nation and that German should live.

     I expect of you, as the emissaries of the Reich, that you will do your duty in whatever position you are called upon to fill.

     You must be the standard-bearers of resistance, cost it what it may. Let no one report to me that in his province, his district, his group or his unit the morale is bad. It is you who are responsible for the moral. I am responsible for public feeling throughout Germany and you are responsible for public feeling in your provinces and districts.

     No one has the right to refuse this responsibility The sacrifice that is demanded of us is not greater than the sacrifice which has been demanded of many past generations. All those men who have, before us, trod the path of bitter and difficult duty for Germany's sake did nothing more than we are called upon to do, the sacrifice they made was neither lighter, less painful nor easier than the sacrifice that is demanded of us.

     I expect every German woman to join up in strict discipline and do her duty in this great community of combatants.

     German youth, needless to say, will fulfill heart and soul what is expected and demanded of them by the nation and by the National-Socialist State.

     If we form this community, fused together, ready for anything, determined never to capitulate, our firm resolve will master every need.

     I conclude with the words with which I once started my fight for power in the Reich. At that time I said:

"If our will is so strong that no emergency can break it, then our will and our good German sword will master and overthrow need and distress."

Germany -- Sieg Heil!

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Next - Documents 18 through 26 (final)

     



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