Chapter Eleven


     On August 14, 1975, during a press conference at the Hyatt House in Birmingham, Alabama,  Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger was asked a most embarrassing question.  The reporter asked:

"Mr. Secretary, we received a report that a Colonel General Michael Goleniewski, who was a Polish Army intelligence officer in World War II, had identified a list of KGB and GRU agents and officers who have since been arrested, tried and convicted.  

The General. . . also identified you, Mr. Kissinger, as having worked for a Soviet intelligence network -- code name ODRA -- headquartered in Germany during World War II, at the same time you were a U.S. Army counter-interrogator and instructor in a military intelligence school. . .

Is this true?  And, if not, how do you explain your name being on General Goleniewski's list?"

     With characteristic aplomb, a seemingly unruffled Secretary of State replied:  "I don't know who Colonel Goleniewski is, but I think he should be given the Pulitzer Prize for fiction".

     But thereby hangs a tale -- in fact, several of them.

     To begin with, as the nation's top security man -- the funnel and sieve for all intelligence data to and from Washington -- Henry Kissinger surely did know who Colonel Goleniewski is.

     First, as we shall see, Goleniewski was one of the most important defectors from the Communist intelligence apparatus ever to reach our shores.  His "debriefing" by the State Department and the CIA had taken years; in that time, Goleniewski had identified hundreds of double-agents and his record for accuracy was unmatched.

     Moreover, rumors about Kissinger's recruitment by the KGB had been heard for years, and were the subject of hundreds, if not thousands, of inquiries to the State Department and the White House.  It is hardly possible that Henry K -- a man who collected gossip the way J. Paul Getty collected paintings -- had not heard about them.

     The story actually began in the early 1950s, when a Colonel in Polish intelligence started supplying data on Soviet operations and agents to the Americans.  The man identified himself as Michael Goleniewski and said he was a staunch anti-Communist.

     During the next decade, Goleniewski furnished U.S. agents with over 5,000 pages of top-secret documents, 160 microfilms of secret reports, 800 pages of Soviet intelligence reports, the names of hundreds of Communist agents in Western Europe, and much more.

     Then in 1961, fearing that his pro-U.S. activities had been discovered by the KGB, Goleniewski defected to the United States.  He arrived in this country on January 12, 1961, accompanied on a Military Air Transport plane by CIA agent Homer E. Roman.

     State Department Security Officer John Norpel Jr. testified before the Senate Internal Security subcommittee that, of the copious information Goleniewski had supplied to the Americans during a three-year debriefing, none was found to be untrue or inaccurate.  

     It is known that the Goleniewski revelations led, among many other things, to the exposure of the major sex-and-spy scandal in the U.S.  Embassy in Warsaw, the identification of Soviet agent Colonel Kolon Molody and four members of his cell in England, the exposure of the Swedish colonel Stig Eric Wennerstrom as a double agent and General in the Soviet KGB.

     Goleniewski revealed that British Intelligence official George Blake was a Soviet spy, he identified scores of other KGB-GRU operatives in West Germany, Denmark, and France.  So valuable were his revelations that the 88th Congress passed House Resolution 5507 to honor Goleniewski's contributions to American security and our intelligence efforts.

     The Resolution said in part that Goleniewski "has collaborated with the government in an outstanding manner and under circumstances which have involved grave personal risk.  He continues to make major contributions to the national security of the United States.  His primary motivation in offering to work with the government has been and remains his desire to counter the menace of Soviet Communism".

     In other word,s the man's credentials are absolutely impeccable.  He was a top-ranking communist intelligence agent; he has exposed literally hundreds of communist agents in the West -- men who are deliberate traitors to the countries they pretend to serve.

     And what is the point of this story?  Precisely this:  One of the men identified by Goleniewski in the early 1960s as a soviet agent was an unknown professor at Harvard named Henry A. Kissinger.  Here is the incredible account, as related by American Opinion contributing editor Alan Stang in the march 1976 issue of that magazine:

     In the days following World War II, the Soviets had organized an ODRA spy ring in Poland.  Its main purpose was to penetrate British and American military intelligence.  ODRA was directed by a Soviet general named Zelanznikoff; its local chief was a Colonel Kujun.  

     In 1954, Kujun was ordered to Moscow to explain the mysterious murder of a female Soviet courier and the disappearance of important material, including 480,000in intelligence funds.  Fearing he would be shot, Kujun tried to commit suicide but instead wound up in a hospital run by the GZI, the Polish equivalent of the Russian KGB.

     The GZI chief, a Colonel Wozniesienski, interrogated Kujun at length.  He stored the results of his investigation in his safe.  Wozniesienski was later replaced by a Colonel Skulbaszewski, who himself was replaced in 1956 by Goleniewski.  the "Polish" agent told Stang he inherited Skulbaszewski's office, files, and safe -- the latter containing some 1500 pages of documents.

     About twenty pages of these documents were in Russian, in Wozniesienski's handwriting.  They dealt with the interrogation of Colonel Kujun in 1954 and included a list of the true names, as well as the code names, of ODRA' principal agents in Europe

     One such spy was Ernst Bosenhard, who had been employed as a clerk at the U.S. Intelligence Headquarters in Oberammergau, Germany.  Bosenhard had sent untold numbers of top-secret documents on to Moscow before he was arrested and convicted of espionage in 1951.  

     Another name on Wozniesienski's OKRA list was the agent "Bor", who had worked with Bosenhard in Oberammergau.  A 1954 update indicated that "Bor" had returned to the United States, was presently at Harvard University, and was secretly working with the Central Intelligence Agency.

     According to the list, "Bor's" real name was Sgt. Henry A. Kissinger.  Stang then reports the following conversation he had with Goleniewski:

"Were you actually present when the KGB opened Colonel Skulbaszewski's safe?"

"Well, I opened Colonel Skulbaszewski's safe."

"You opened it yourself?"


"And in Colonel Skulbaszewski's safe there was a list of Soviet agents -- and on that list was the name: Henry Kissinger."


Goleniewski also told Stang:

"At this time I learned about Sergeant Kissinger, Sergeant Kissinger was for me a quite nobody.  I didn't know who he was.  I didn't know was he a Jew, or was he German, or what hell he was.  What I knew, that he got to be for one reason or another involved in counter-intelligence Smersh network of Soviets under code name "Bor", and it happened sometimes in Germany after he came with American Army.  And in '61 for me it was one of hundred cases.  I didn't pay no attention.  Such cases they really existed hundreds, you see."

     If there is even the most remote possibility that these charges are true, how could Kissinger have received any government post, much less rise to the exalted position he holds today?  First, remember that by 1968, Goleniewski's revelations had been buried deep in the bowels of the government's security agencies.  

     Moreover, Nixon was so anxious to get Kissinger on the job that the President waived the normal security check on Henry.  By the time the issue was raised, Kissinger was King of the Hill so far as security was concerned; he told the investigators whom to investigate.

     Yes, it can happen. . . and has.  thirty years ago Alger Hiss proved that a Soviet spy could sit at the right hand of a President.  Just two years ago, West German chancellor Willi Brandt was forced to resign when it was revealed that one of his top aides, Gunter Guillaume, was a Communist spy.  Gullaume had fooled West German security -- which is very conscious of communist infiltration techniques -- for years.

     There have been efforts to dismiss Goleniewski's charges as "mis-information" carefully planted by the KGB.  One author, Richard Deacon, even suggests in The Chinese Secret Service that the KGB was willing to sacrifice such key agents as Wennerstrom, Blake, Molody and Krogers to enhance the false defector's credibility.

     Such a charge assumes that the Soviets regard Henry the K as a dangerous anti-Communist adversary.  But as we have seen, precisely the opposite is true!  Henry is, at the very least,  one of their most trusted friends and colleagues.

     Moreover, Goleniewski's charges date back at least twelve years -- long before Henry the K had achieved any national position or prestige.  It is the fact that Goleniewski named Kissinger as a Soviet agent so long ago, when there was no Kissinger axe to grind, which leads us to believe the charge is true. that, and the Kissinger record during the past eight years.

     But intriguingly, except for a few accounts in small intelligence journals, the major media have refused to touch the Goleniewski allegations with a ten-foot pole.  Perhaps his believability was tarnished when a New York newspaper identified the "Polish" defector as the son of Czar Nicholas II of Russia.

     On June 11, 1971, the New York Daily Mirror announced the exclusive publication of Reminiscences and Observations by "His Imperial Highness Aleksei Nicholaevich Romanoff, Tsarevich and Grand Duke of Russia', son of Nicholas II and survivor of the alleged Communist massacre of the Russian royal family.

     H.I.H. Aleksei romanoff and Michael goleniewski were one and the same man!  According to the Daily Mirror, former CIA Chief of Research and Analysis Herman E. Kimsey, in an affidavit signed June 3, 1965, had verified the man's identity on the basis of fingerprints sole prints, dental and medical records, handwriting tests, blood tests, and recognition and confrontation with childhood friends and relatives.

     Recent documents released by the British government lend credence to Goleniewski's claims.  The Royal family of Russia apparently was not murdered by the Bolsheviks as had been widely believed.  The Czar and his family were spirited out of Russia by British agents, but were afraid to make the fact that they were still alive known.  Doubtless they hoped that the Bolshevik government would collapse and they could return to Russia.  Little did they know that the West would send critical transfusions of food, money, and technology to keep the bloody Bolsheviks in power.

  Perhaps we can get a better perspective by noting that the chief prosecution witness, Michael Goleniewski, has already testified under oath and has said he would be delighted to repeat his charges in a trial of Henry Kissinger.  While the defendant in this instance, Henry Kissinger, dismisses the whole matter with a joke. . . and a lie.

     At the very least, congress should investigate these charges -- perhaps as part of a larger study of the Kissinger record.  When such a hearing is called, we hope the Congressmen will also look into the other quacking creatures in the Kissinger barnyard.

    This would include, for example, Wilfred Burchett, the Australian communist who was deprived of a passport by his own government because of his aid to the communists in the Korean War.  burchett was welcomed to Washington by Kissinger in 1971 for "consultations" on the Vietnam War.  the man who helped secure phony "germ warfare" confessions from Allied prisoners during the Korean War was one of Hanoi's most trusted emissaries.

     How jolly.  Just what was said we'll never know.  But for Kissinger to base any part of the negotiations on statements by Burchett is the equivalent of consulting Al Capone on how to clean up crime in chicago!

     a much more important Kissinger contact is the mysterious Victor Louis, one of Moscow's most trusted -- and most important -- KGB agents.  Kissinger is reported to have met secretly with Louis in the Soviet Embassy in London just after his first trip to Red China.  "Victor Louis" is, in reality, Vitaly Yuvgenyevich Lui, who operates under the cover of being the Moscow correspondent for the London Evening News.

     Even a casual scrutiny of Kissinger's colleagues and collaborators at the State Department reveals an amazing similarity in the way the flock looks, walks, and quacks.  Among the many things they all have in common is an unswerving devotion to detente, downgrading U.S. defenses, undercutting our national security, courting the Soviets, and aiding the communist world.

     One of the key Kissinger appointees, for example, is Helmut sonnenfeldt, a long-time State Department official who is now in charge of trade with the Communists.

     A chum dating back to Kissinger's soldiering days in Germany, sonnenfeldt is known to have been the subject of espionage investigations.  According to intelligence expert Frank Capell, three former U.S. Foreign Service officers have testified under oath that in the 1950s sonnenfeldt turned over secret information to "agents of a foreign power".  Capell says that Sonnenfeldt also compromised U.S. codes, and that security officers recommended his prosecution.

     Sonnenfeldt's nomination for a high Treasury Department post had to be withdrawn several years ago when it became known that witnesses were seeking to testify that Sonnenfeldt had committed perjury during the confirmation hearing on his nominations.

     But even though Sonnenfeldt has been labeled a security risk, Henry the K got his buddy "cleared" through the Office of Security.  How?  by putting Jesse MacKnight in charge of the clearing.  MacKnight was sure to be sympathetic -- he had been identified in the past as an operative for Soviet intelligence and had provided Soviet spy Judith Caplan with government reports.  CFR member Sonnenfeldt was sure to feel safe with MacKnight in charge of catching subversives.

     sonnenfeldt is the only member of Kissinger's coterie who attends those closed-door conferences with Soviet Ambassador Dobrynin.  Of course sonnenfeldt worked closely with Kissinger in Moscow on the SALT I agreements.  It is Sonnenfeldt who said that no efforts should be made by us -- or permitted by others -- to free the Captive Nations, and characterized a yearning to be free by Poles as "romantic political inclinations."

     MacKnight and sonnenfeldt were hardly the only security risks helping forge the Kissinger Team.  Not by a long shot.  Kissinger arranged for William O. Hall, known to security officers as an associate and contact of known Communists and soviet agents, to be named as Director General of the U.s. Foreign Service, although he had been identified as a serious security risk as far back as 1956.

     Hall was safe as houses until The Review of the News exposed his background in 1972.  Hall then decided to retire, and Kissinger selected James S. Sutterlin to replace him.  sutterlin had been "intimately linked" with Edward Kelley, security officer at the U.S. Embassy in Warsaw during the sex-and-spy scandals involving soviet agents and other diplomatic personnel.

     While serious security risks received promotion after promotion in Henry Kissinger's State Department, known anti-Communists were being purged.

     One of the men "selected out", as the euphemism goes, was career officer John D. Hemenway.  Hemenway was a victim of an obvious conspiracy which used false reports and dishonest job ratings to get him removed.  Unlike many others who just went quietly, however, Hemenway appealed.  The hearings completely exonerated Hemenway, who was recommended for reinstatement, a promotion, and apology, and even reimbursement for legal expenses.  but Kissinger's good friend director General William Hall reversed the board's decision.  And the purge went on.

     Another SALT man and top-ranking intelligence officer on the Kissinger team is boris Klosson.  It was Klosson who, as U.s. counselor for political affairs in Moscow in 1961, cleared the way for Lee Harvey Oswald's return to the United States.  It is know that Oswald, the so-called "lone assassin" of John Kennedy, had attended a KGB school for nearly two year.  

     Given the Soviets' track record of introducing agents into foreign countries, it is hard to imagine that Oswald's claim of a change of heart could convince such a career officer. (And if Oswald really had a sincere change of heart, does it make sense that the Russians would have allowed him to leave the country?)

     It's less puzzling, perhaps, when we note that in a recent State Department appeal case, a Foreign Service officer told how Klosson thwarted him from sending a report back to Washington dealing with KGB operations against Americans in russia.

     And then there is the incredible case of Kissinger's selection as U.S. ambassador to Chile.  Kissinger tapped ultra-Leftist David Popper to represent us in a country which had just overthrown the first elected Communist government in Latin America.

     Popper, who had been affiliated with the subversive Institute of Pacific Relations, had been recruited into the State Department by Alger Hiss.  He also served on the editorial board of Amerasia, the magazine which was later revealed to be the center of a Soviet espionage ring.

     Our Secretary of State's selection for U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of China -- that is, Free china -- was even more outrageous.  It was none other than Leonard Unger, our former ambassador to Thailand, the man on the scene during the strangely contrived overthrow of the anti-Communist government of Prime Minister Thanom Kittikachorn.

     More than two decades ago, a former Soviet agent named elizabeth Bentley shocked a congressional Committee when she testified that the Soviets were operating four spy rings within the U.S. government.  Only two of the rings were ever exposed.  According to one security agency, one of the two rings not exposed operated in the european Affairs section of the State Department; the confidential report identified six persons, including Leonard Unger, as members.

     At least one of Kissinger's close contacts admits to being a communist.  That is the man the FBI once identified as the top KGB operative of them all -- Soviet Ambassador Anatoly Dobrynin, the head of all KGB operations in the United States.

     It is now know that the Rockefeller commission investigating CIA activities (which is akin to Jesse James investigating the Daltons) heard testimony which revealed an intricate KGB espionage network on Capitol Hill.  the Soviets even had the capability of intercepting White House and Congressional telephone calls!  What did Kissinger do about this misbehavior by his friends?  He ran interference for them!

     Newsweek magazine reported on august 25, 1975:

"Henry Kissinger's anxiety to avoid strains on U.S.-Soviet relations extended to editing the Rockefeller commission's study of intelligence activities.  The original draft of the. . . report contained a lengthy section on Soviet espionage in the U.S., including the KGB's ability to intercept White House communications via special antennas on the Russian Embassy roof.  this passage was excised from the Rockefeller report when it was reviewed by the National Security Council, which Kissinger heads."

     By mid-1975, both the Rockefeller Commission and a committee chaired by Senator Frank Church were investigating both the CIA and FBI.  but anyone who believes the committees were concerned with Communist activity in this country would be sadly mistaken.

     Clearly, the committees were out to get the anti-Communists.  What remained of American internal security was swiftly going down the drain as Super K achieved power over the nation's intelligence community.  The record is clear:  The Justice Department's Internal Security division was abolished in March 1973; the Subversive Activities Control Board was dismantled three months later; in 1974 the Attorney General's List of Subversive Organizations was eliminated; January 1975 the House Internal Security Committee was abolished.

     So this is what the picture looks like, in this Bicentennial Year celebrating 200 years of freedom:  As the Communist military menace expands because of Kissinger's secret diplomacy at the Strategic Arms Limitations Talks, the United States has slipped -- or been pushed -- into number two position.  And as communist infiltration and penetration of this country increased, the ability of U.S. security forces to maintain surveillance on such infiltration decreased.

     Security -- at least Western security -- doesn't seem to bother Henry K one little bit.

     But with the Kissinger Team in charge -- men like Hall, Sonnenfeldt, Klosson, Popper, Bunker, and all the others -- captained by an arrogant egoist who is a proven liar and an accused KGB agent, do we really need to worry about any foreign enemies?

     It is not difficult to agree with William Loeb, maverick publisher of the Manchester (New Hampshire) Union-Leader, who wrote:

"Perhaps Kissinger really is a communist agent.  Certainly, he could not do any more harm to the United States or any more good for the Soviet Union if he were!"